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Members of Editorial Board


Yu Dahai,     Wang Dan

Hu Ping,     Xue Wei

Chen Kuide,     Zheng Yi

 

 

Members of Advisory Board

Fang Lizhi

Situ Hua

Yu Ying-shi

Perry Link

Yang Liyu

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  • 『北京の春』通巻173号総括
     

    73号総括:

     米国21世紀中国基金会会長の楊建利博士は数年来積極的に海外の中国民主運動に従事したため、中国当局に入国拒否のブラック??リストに入れられた。2002年4月中国労働者の抗争運動を考察する目的で中国大陸に戻ったが、中国当局に逮捕され、5年の懲役刑に処せられた。2007年4月27日刑期満了に伴って釈放され、8月18日米国へ戻り家族と団欒できた。中国の民主化に卓越した貢献をした楊建利博士に心からの敬意を表すため、米国21世紀中国基金会と『北京之春』雑誌社は共同でニューヨーク各界の楊建利博士の帰来を歓迎する会を開いた。.......

    『北京の春』通巻173号目次と写真説明
    【主幹のお話】
    3. 台湾の「国連に入るための公民投票」と「国連に帰るための公民投票」について/ 胡平
    【社長の話】
    04. 農村の問題を解決する肝心な点は土地の私有化 / 王丹
    【表紙のテーマ、楊建利博士の帰来を歓迎】
    06. 北京之春自由前衛賞の授賞公告
    07. 権利保護の運動―集団行動の合法性資源の開発 / 楊建利
    08. 中国の民主化は逆転してはならない/ 楊力宇
    09. 楊建利博士に敬意を表す /民主中国陣線
    10. 楊建利を歓迎する米国大会ドキュメンタリー / 当刊の記者
    15.楊建利博士へのインタビュー /亜衣
    【中国の政情】
    25. 中国が直面する新しい土地革命/(北京)胡星闘
    26. 金融の制度と公正な基礎/(武漢)喬新生
    29. 牛肉面の価格から中国の市場経済を見る/(広州)鞏勝利
    31. 浙江省の公安が呂耿松を拘束したことについて中国共産党十七大への公開状
    【中国大地】
    33. 発展の下の影/(北京)王徳邦
    41鉱山事故はどうして抑止できないか/(北京)余傑
    45.農民と農村からの臨時就労者/(タイ)一夫
    【国際視野】
    49. 『ヴェントテーネの宣言』の伝統的国家観への超越/方励之
    【香港とマカオの観察】
    51. 香港における法治と政治の競争/(重慶)郭子寛
    【理論の探求】
    54. 新しいルネッサンスと話題のマイナス点/(四川)周倫佐
    58.民主の最低の敷居 /劉国凱
    【歴史の目撃証言】
    63. 蕭軍眼中の中の毛沢東/(北京)陳小雅
    69. 王実味を再び読む/(浙江)傅国湧
    【反右派運動50年記念】
    74. 右派追想(7)/(ニュージーランド)周素子
    78.「1957年学」創立の方法について/魏紫丹
    【民主的な壁】
    84.海外の民主化運動に対する二つの考察/(湖北)衛子遊
    85指導者と精神的指導者/(遼寧)楊春光
    87. 中国の常識について(14)/ 陳破空
    【読書】
    90.未名湖で夢が破れる/舒崇
    92.中国共産党国に関する神話を読んだ後/九喩
    【百草の園】
    102. 夜の言葉/(湖南)郭一鴻
    【簡単な報道】
    96.チベット人権問題国際シンポジウム/当刊記者扎西
    100.緊急に高天佑を救おう/当刊の記者 劉宇
    103. 簡単な報道
    【読者 作者 編集者】
    106. 読者の手紙

     


    Members of Beijing Spring's Advisory Board

    Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4 crackdown.

    Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard University.

    Smarlo Ma Smarlo Ma is pen name of Mr. Yi Ma. Joining the CommunistParty of China in 1937, he became Director of the Library of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political College in Yan-an in 1938. He formally left the Party in 1943. as a well known expert on the history of the Communist party of china, he has often been invited to present papers in international conferences of Asian specialists. He has published mora than 20 books.

    Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.

    Liu Qing, Chairman of the Executive Committee of Human Rights in China. As a democracy promoter and a close ally of Wei Jingsheng, he had been jailed by Chinese government for almost ten years.

    Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has published numerous books and articles on China's politics.

    Situ Hua, president of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic and Democratic Movement in China. Mr. Situ is a member of the Hong Kong legislature and an important leader of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong.

    Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.

    Su Xiaokang, a Chinese writer well known for his epic The River's Elegy, a critical television program about China's political and cultural evolution. As an active participator in the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China. Now he is a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative and publisher of the bi-monthly journal "The Democratic China".

    Yang Liyu, professor of East Asian Studies at Seton Hall University

    Yu Ying-shi, professor of history at Princeton University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China Initiative.


    Members of Beijing Spring's Editorial Board

    Yu Dahai, Publisher of Beijing Spring and assistant professor of economics at Tufts University. Graduated from Beijing University and received a Ph.D. degree from Princeton University, he served as Chief Editor of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996 and then as President from June 1996 to September 2002. He is founding president of the Chinese Economists Society and former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Wang Dan, President of Beijing Spring since September 2002. As a student leader from Beijing University in the 1989's Democracy Movement, he was on the most wanted list of the Chinese government after the June 4 crackdown. After being imprisoned for political reasons from July 1989 to February 1993 and again from May 1995 to April 1998, he came to the United States ad is now a doctoral student in Harvard University.

    Hu Ping, Chief Editor of Beijing Spring since 1996 and a regular commentator for Radio Free Asia. Received a Master's degree in philosophy from Beijing University and studied at Harvard University, he was once the Chief Writer of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996. He is former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Chen Kuide, fellow of Princeton China Initiative and program host for Radio Free Asia. As once the Chief Editor of Shanghai's Thinker magazine, he actively took part in the 1989 democracy movement. He later received a Ph.D. degree in philosophy from Fudan University.

    Zheng Yi, member of the Princeton China initiative and a famous political critic. He once wrote articles to expose the cannibalism in Guangxi during the Great Cultural Revolution in China. As an important leader of the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China in 1992.

    Xue Wei, Manager of Beijing Spring since 1993. He was imprisoned in Sichuan for ten years for "counter-revolutionary activities" in the 1970's. He was among the founding members of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine and has always served as a leader in promoting Chinese Democracy Movement dating back 1982.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    This Month

    『北京の春』通巻173号総括

    『北京の春』編集部(200
    710月)


    第一、表紙テーマ、楊建利博士の帰来を歓迎

     米国21世紀中国基金会会長の楊建利博士は数年来積極的に海外の中国民主運動に従事したため、中国当局に入国拒否のブラック??リストに入れられた。2002年4月中国労働者の抗争運動を考察する目的で中国大陸に戻ったが、中国当局に逮捕され、5年の懲役刑に処せられた。2007年4月27日刑期満了に伴って釈放され、8月18日米国へ戻り家族と団欒できた。中国の民主化に卓越した貢献をした楊建利博士に心からの敬意を表すため、米国21世紀中国基金会と『北京之春』雑誌社は共同でニューヨーク各界の楊建利博士の帰来を歓迎する会を開いた。会議は9月8日ニューヨーク市フラッシングのヒルトンホテルで盛大に行われ、米国各地から200数名の各界人士が大会に参加した。『北京之春』雑誌社発行人の于大海氏が会議を司会し、ニューヨーク民衆の代表が楊建利博士に花を贈呈した。米国21世紀中国基金会執行長の宋永毅氏、『北京之春』編集長の胡平氏はそれぞれ歓迎の挨拶を行った。『北京之春』の編集顧問、米国西東大学教授の楊力宇氏、元中国社会科学院政治学研究所所長、元民主陣線主席の厳家祺氏、元体制改革研究所所長の陳一諮氏、中国民主党聯合本部(海外)主席の徐文立氏、秘書長の汪岷氏、米国香港華人連合会代表の楊錦霞氏、中国社会民主党主席の劉国凱氏、中国民主連盟副主席の呂京花氏、民主陣線米国東地区責任者の唐元雋氏、『民主フォーラム』編集主幹の洪哲勝氏、元89民主運動対話団召集人の項小吉氏、元「楊建利博士帰国後援会」責任者易改氏がそれぞれ会上で口頭発言または書面発言を行った。『北京之春』編集の亜衣氏が楊建利の略歴を紹介した後、楊建利氏は熱意あふれる演説を行った。大会では楊建利氏の著作『非暴力抗争と憲政改革』という本が販売され、本の代金が中国国内で最近拘束された者、『北京之春』コラムニストの呂耿松氏の家族に寄贈することになった。寄付のために本を買った方に楊建利氏は記念の署名をした。大会では、同時に第1期の「北京之春の自由前衛賞」(2007年度)の授賞式を行った。今年から「北京之春の自由前衛賞」は毎年一回評議、選出し、中国の民主、自由、人権、法治のために貢献した優秀な人に授けることになった。第1期の「北京之春の自由前衛賞」(2007年度)は楊建利博士に授けることが決定した。『北京之春』雑誌社社長の王丹氏は受賞の祝詞を読み上げて、楊建利氏に「北京之春の自由前衛賞」のメダルを授与した。
     今期の『北京之春』には、「楊建利博士の帰来を歓迎する」を表紙のテーマに、「北京之春自由前衛賞の授賞公告」、楊建利氏新作の「権利保護の運動―集団行動の合法性資源の開発」、楊力宇氏の文章「中国の民主化は逆転してはならない」、民主陣線主席費良勇の他人との共著文章「楊建利博士へ敬意を表す」、当刊の記者の楊建利への歓迎に関する米国大会の報道と亜衣氏への楊建利博士へのインタビュー記事「中国の庶民に早く現代文明を享受させよう」が掲載してあります。
     楊建利氏の「権利保護の運動―集団行動の合法性資源の開発」は北京で書かれたもの。文章では、中国の問題点を解決する鍵は政治権利の空間を拡大することと指摘された。民間で政治の空間を拡大するには通常集団行動を必要とする、たとえば結社、デモ、パレードなどである。独裁政権はすべての合法性集団行動の資源を独占した。中国の民間で民主化の過程を推進する過程上、民間の政治権利の空間を拡大しなければならず、必然的に独裁政権の体系から集団行動の合法性資源を奪い取ってしまう。発展しつつある権利保護の運動が行っているのはまさにこのような事である。権利保護の弁護士達は中国の現行の法律と法法律体系から着手し、法廷を中心に少しずつ独裁政権の手から集団行動の合法性資源を奪い取り、そして次第に「悪法」の問題にも触れ、もっと高い次元から政治の自由空間を広める。民間の政治活動者は宣伝、教育訓練、抗争活動を組織し、村民委員会と人民代表の選挙に参与することを通じて、行動(と立法?)で政治権利の空間を広める。独立したインテリアは道義良心と知識の立場から民間の集団行動のために言葉の空間を奪取する。自由な記者とネット上の自由な情報の護衛士達は随時に民間の集団行動を、その合理的な理由、得た成果、直面する脅威と被る迫害を世界に公表し、広範な世論の空間で民間集団行動の合法性資源を開発する。このいくつかの部分は互いに補い、呼応しており、中国の民主運動は確実で成熟な方向へ向かうことを表している。。
     亜衣氏の楊建利氏へのインタビューは楊建利氏の米国帰来に関する各種の要素を紹介した。まず中国当局は楊建利氏を米国に帰らせることを決定し、そして彼に山東への帰郷と父親への墓参りをする時間を与え、それから旅券を渡し、彼を米国に帰らせた。少し前に中国を訪れた米国財務長官のポールソン氏がとても大きい役割を発揮した。楊建利氏は、ともかく自分が今は中国の公民であり、最も関心を持っているのは中国であり、中国が良い方向へ向かい、中国人民が世界の他の地方の人民のように現代文明を享受できることを望んでいると示した。物質の生活条件を享受するだけではなくて、生活のそれぞれの細いところの文明を享受するのである。楊建利氏はいわゆる「不法入国とスパイ罪」の真相を明らかにし、これらのでっちあげられた罪名はいかなる証拠もないとした。また、自分の帰国行動はの一つの模式、「祖国に帰りたければ、刑務所に入らなければならない。刑務所を離れたければ、祖国を離れなければならない」というのを打ち破ったと語った。亜衣氏と楊建利氏は1992年『中国之春』で発表した楊氏と熊焱氏が共同で書いた文章「海外の民主化運動と帰国の権利」に言及し、これは一番早い帰国宣言であり、「影響力のある人物が帰国を強行すれば、突発性の効果を引き起こし、それによって国際社会の注目を浴び、中国共産党に圧力を加えられるかもしれない」とあった。楊建利氏は「悪法」に対して、適当な選択性をもって法律に違反しても抵抗することを主張している。インタビューはさらに海外民主化運動初期のメンバー、89民主化運動の参与者、6??4弾圧の証人としての楊氏の心機転換の過程、及び中国の「納税者の革命」と憲政民主に関する楊氏の基本的な考えを紹介した。亜衣氏によると、楊建利氏のすごいところは共産党の監獄で5年間期限満了までいただけでなく、共産党が統治する中国で自由自在に3ヶ月20日生活したことである。その間多くの異議者と会い、中国の現在の民間の政治空間の状況を的確に知ることができたという。

    第二、中国の新しい土地革命と金融制度の改革

    「中国の政情」コラムの中で、今期は北京の経済学者胡星闘氏の「中国が直面する新しい土地革命」、武漢の経済学者喬新生氏の「金融の制度と公正な基礎」、広州の経済学者鞏勝利氏の「牛肉面の価格から中国の市場経済を見る」が掲載されている。
     胡星闘氏の文章はこう述べられている。重慶と成都は今年6月に国務院に「国家城郷統籌発展試験区」(全体企画に基づく発展の試験地域)として許可され、「新しい特区」(新しい特別な経済地域)になった。重慶市の商工業局は農地の経営権で株を買うことを許し、専門の協同組合、有限責任会社と独資、合資企業を創立することを許可した。これは全国で初めてであり、熟睡した土地を呼び覚まし、禁固の束縛を破って、土地が「生きる」ようになった。農民は会社の株主、理事長になりやすく、これは新しい土地革命を誘発した。土地の会社化はおそらく以前の農家連合生産請負制の意義より更に偉大だと指摘された、なぜならそれは徹底的に農村の土地をスムーズに流通させることができ、土地の価値を値上がらせ、耕地を農民の貴重な資産にすることができるからである。それは土地の経営規模を増大させ、農業生産の大規模化と集約化を実現し、農業の生産コストを下げ、農民の収入を高めるからである。それは農村金融の苦しい局面を突破し、農民は会社の創立を通じて、銀行ローンを獲得することができ、それによって農村発展するための資金の難題を解決するからである。重慶市は貸付けのために財政に利子補給を提供し、保証会社が保証を提供し、このように農村の金融はスムーズになり、新しい農村建設には活気をもたらす源ができたのである。農民は自主的に土地を使う権利を与えられ、土地は農民の負担ではなくなり、土地の価値は発見され、その上全ては農民に帰属される。もちろん、この新しい土地革命について、立法と規範化が必要であり、全中国まで広める必要がある。
     喬新生の文章はこう述べられている。中国の金融体制の改革は方向修正が必要であり、一般民衆の参与権と権益を尊重すべきである。金融の法的体系が徹底的に改正されていないときに、政府は金融市場の監視??管理に対して必ず平等に見なければならない。いわゆる有名な経済学者が金融の市場秩序をたぶらかし、かき乱すと同時に、適当でない利益を図っているが、彼らに対して絶対に寛大な態度で対処してはならない。一部のこういう経済学者は全国各地の論壇で株式市場に対して盛んに議論し、上場企業の独立理事を担当して、公然と上場企業の業績を吹聴し、それによって上場企業の株価をつり上げ、高額の出場料を受け取りながら、いかなる法律の責任も引き受ける必要がない。これは不良な法律の制度が一部社会のエリートに巨額の暴利をむさぼるのに貴重な機会を与えているのだ。一方、法律執行機関の選択的な法律執行は、大胆なやつらにしたい放題をされて貧乏人への搾取を許してしまうのである。

    第三、中共当局の呂耿松氏拘束に抗議

    「中国の政情」のコラムで、胡佳、劉荻、趙達功、胡平、王丹など1109人から署名した「浙江省の公安が呂耿松を拘束したことについて中国共産党十七大への公開状」が掲載された。最近3年間各地の公安は、国家政権の転覆を扇動する罪、国家政権転覆罪、不法経営、邪教組織の利用などの言論の罪、政治の罪で、数名の作家、記者、弁護士と権利保護の人を逮捕し処罰を下した。極僅かな人たちだけ釈放されたが、まだ陳光誠、郭飛雄、師濤、楊天水、李元竜、郭起真などの数十人は依然として獄中にいる。全国を見渡すと、言論の罪で処罰された案例の最も多い省は浙江省である。オリンピックのカウントダウン一周年という活動が派手に行われている時、浙江省杭州市で異議者の作家陳樹慶に4年の有期懲役と厳しい判決を下した後に、8月24日国家政権の転覆を扇動する罪と国家機密不法所有罪で異議作家の呂耿松を刑事拘束した。呂耿松は元浙江省公安高等専科学校の教師であるが、独裁体制下の官界のひどい汚職に鑑み、インテリアの良知と自由民主を追求する信念からフリーライターの身分で独裁と汚職腐敗を鞭撻し、自由民主を提唱する多くの文章を書いたので、浙江省公安や司法部門、既得の利益グループに深くねたまれ、憎まれた。呂耿松は良知ある中国インテリアの優秀な代表であり、行ったすべては少しも憲法と法理に違反していない。浙江司法機関は罪名をでっちあげて彼を拘束したのは、憲法の中の人権を保障する条項を踏みにじる違法行為ばかりでなく、その上中央政府の人権改善の承諾を辱しめるものである。公開状中国当局に直ちに呂耿松の釈放を浙江司法機関に命令することを促し、そしてそれをきっかけに、ここ数年来の浙江司法機関の不法判決にかかわる事件を司法審査して、早く拘禁者の自由を返すよう求めた。

    第四、『ヴェントテーネの宣言』とEU

    「国際視野」のコラムで、当刊顧問の方励之教授の文章「『ヴェントテーネの宣言』(Ventotene Manifesto)の伝統的国家観への超越」が掲載されている。イタリア政治家のスピネッリ氏(Altiero Spinelli、 1907-1986)と彼の『ヴェントテーネの宣言』(Ventotene Manifesto)が紹介された。このスピネリ氏は早年共産党に参加して、ファシズム政権に反対したが、ムッソリーニ当局に捕まえられて、10年間刑務所に入れられ、6年間ヴェントテーネ島で監禁された。第二次世界戦争の最も苦しい年代から、スピネッリ氏はヨーロッパ未来の青写真を描きはじめた。彼は共産主義を放棄し、国家を超えた統合(supranational integration)に熱中し、彼のEUの思想を発展し、政治の上で欧州を整合し、欧州の貨幣を統一し、欧州の軍隊を統一することを主張した。1943年米軍によってヴェントテーネ島が解放され、自由を再び手に入れたスピネッリ氏は正式に「ヨーロッパ連邦運動」(European Federalist Movement)を開始した。第二次世界戦争が終わった後に『ヴェントテーネの宣言』が提唱した欧州整合の概念は少しずつ西欧各国に受け入れられるようになった。1957年ヨーロッパ経済共同体は創立され、1984年欧州議会は正式にスピネッリの方案(Spinelli Plan)を受け入れた、つまりEU連邦条約である。スピネッリ氏はEU創立者の一人として公に認められている。今年はこのスピネッリ誕生100周年。欧州議会の多国チームから『ヴェントテーネの宣言』の中文、ロシア、アラブなどの文訳本を出す予定なので、方励之教授に中文訳本に簡単で短い序言を書くよう要請がきたのである。作者は異なる訳本の違いを分析し、EUの創立者達が米国の「United」方式を認めないようだとした。統合されるヨーロッパは欧州合衆国(The United States of Europe)とよばず、欧州連合EU (The European Union)と呼ばれる。西欧は二度の世界大戦の世界大戦の勃発地からみごとに今日の経済、政治の共同体にモデルチェンジできたのは、疑いなくその原因が『ヴェントテーネの宣言』の理想主義から来たものである。それは初めて現代的なヨーロッパ文明を発展するには、伝統的な国家観(愛国)、民族観、統一観、独立観を越えなければならないことを強調した。それではじめて欧州は「すべての構成国の憲政体制の上で共同体を創立」できる。作者の見方では、ヨーロッパはまた試験を行って彼らの「Union」文明が米国の「United」文明を越えられる、あるいはすでに越えていることを証明しようとしているかもしれないという。

    第五、香港の法治と政治

    「香港とマカオの観察」のコラムで、重慶の作者郭子寛の文章「香港における法治と政治の競争」が掲載された。作者は法律学博士、中国大陸で執業許可を持つ弁護士、現在米国ニューヨークで訪問研究中。彼の文章は主に香港の法治の実行について、香港大学法学部教授兼法律学院院長、中国人民大学、清華大学など内地の大学客員教授である陳弘毅の書いた文章「中庸の道と一国二制度の法治と実行」に関する討議である。郭氏によると、陳氏が「全国人民代表大会(全人大)の三回にわたる基本法と基本法第23条に関する解釈の立法事件」を香港の「主権移行以来法治領域及び全社会で論争と震撼を引き起こす最も重要な事件」と位置づけるが、これらの最も重要な事件の背後にある衝突の根源に対する分析が足りず、香港の法治過程で地方の「法」治と中央の「政」治の間の競争の実質を無視した。
     全人大の第一回の香港基本法に対する解釈は、そのポイントは単に香港人の内地でもうけた子供の「香港居留権」の問題だけでなく、臨時立法会の合法性が質疑された時生じた問題を如何に処理するか、香港裁判所判決文の中違憲審査権の範囲に対する記述が中央の権威に挑戦となるかどうかと関わっている。2004年4月に全人代第二回の法律解釈は、中央政府が民主運動を抑制するため、全人代の「法律解釈」の形式をとって香港の政治改革の過程に対して制御しようとするものである。全人代常務委員会はこう決定した、即ち香港の行政長官と立法会の選挙方法が改正すべきかどうかについて、香港の特別行政区行政長官が全人大の常務委員会に報告を提出すべきであり、全人大の常務委員会が確定するというものである。董建華辞職後に発生した、新しい特区長官の任期に関する第三回の法律解釈は、特区長官の任期の問題は法律の問題だけではなく、法律の問題に隠された法治と政治の衝突の問題だと示している。法治と政治の競争は三回の全人大の法律解釈で徹底的に現れた。三回の全人大はの法律解釈はそれぞれ香港の司法、立法と行政に対応し、ちょうど一つの完備したプロセスである。この過程の中で、中央政府は全面的な勝利を獲得し、挑戦してはいけない中央の権威を守った。しかし、香港人が求める本当の「香港人による香港の統治」の問題は最終決着したわけではなく、香港地方の「法」治による自治と中央政府の「政」治による維持との競争は決して終わったのではない。香港の「法」治の方式で求める「香港人による香港の統治」、と中央の「政」治要素の考慮による「一つの中国」の維持との力比べという香港の政局は、「香港人による香港の統治」との訴えは中央の権威に忍耐し、中央の権威の維持は「全人代の法律解釈」という法治の方式を借りなければならないことによる結果であり、これはまさに香港の法治の実践が中国の法治建設に対する独特な貢献であり、「法治」の勝利を予め設定したものでもある。

     

     

    Achievements:

    Comments from famous international scholars

    Selected Letters from Readers

    Distinguished Democrats Award

    7 Years of "Beiiing Spring": A Summary [1993-2000]

     

    Comments from famous international scholars

    Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4 crackdown.

    To the Editor: 

    The purpose of this letter is to say something positive about "Beijing Spring", and this is from the bottom of my heart. Over the past 8 years, I have read every issue of the journal. I would at least take a glimpse of the title and author of the "Beijing Spring" in the busiest of my times. I would put every issue of "Beijing Spring" in my living room, making my guests, especially those from the other side of the Pacific Ocean, become sleepless. One of the members of the Investigation Committee of my case during the "Cultural Revolution" became a friend of mine and visited me recently. He spent 3 sleepless nights in reading the "Beijing Spring" journal of the past 5 years, and he read the journal more carefully than I did. It appears that this journal indeed has its attractions, or charms, if I can use this word to describe this journal. 

    "Beijing Spring" is not ideal of course, and not all of the published articles are good ones; however, the dedication of editors and authors to freedom, democracy, human rights and legal system is reflected in every printed word of the journal. This is exactly the attraction of the journal, especially those readers who have been living in an environment of no press freedom. My thanks are to those editors and authors who have provided such a window so that the darkness is no longer a dream for quest of freedom, and more, thinking about the quest for freedom. 

    Fang Lizhi    July 29, 2000 

    **********************

    Yu Ying-shi, professor of history at Princeton University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China Initiative.

    To "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office: 

    Mr. Editor: I have received the "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring" and I would like to express my appreciation of it. "Beijing Spring" covers a wide range of issues, while it can make in-depth coverage on all of them. It is not an easy thing to do. Articles on current events are often very sharp and to the point, and readers are able to obtain a clear idea on the most recent situation and trend in Mainland China. This contribution is especially helpful to overseas readers, and is indicative to readers in Mainland China. According to my knowledge, readers in Mainland China are anxious to have access to your journal. One of my friends recently paid a visit to Xi'an, and detained and interrogated by the public security bureau; and one of the charges for his arrest was that he sent "Beijing Spring" journal to one of the dissidents in there. Later it was through the interference of the US government was he released and returned to the US. I knew about this event in detail and would like to release this information to you. Besides, articles in your journal on spiritual analysis, theoretical debate have reached a very high academic level, which should win fair appraisal. When intellectuals want to seek routes for resolving problems about China, "Beijing Spring" should be one of the most valuable resources for them to resort to. On the other side, "Beijng Spring" can be regarded as having inherited the traditions of "Xin Min Cong Bao" and "New Youth". 

    I have just returned from a long journey and feel very tired, therefore I am stopping here. The above words are for your reference only. 

    With my regards 

    Yu Yingshi    July 31,2000 

    *********************

     Yu Haocheng, well-known legal scholar, former head of Qunzhong Press of China's Ministry of Public Security.

    Beijing Spring: The True Voice of Free People 

    Yu Haocheng   August 1, 2001

    Mao Zedong once wrote an article titled 'JOn Uniformity of Public Opinion" .He understood well that he who controls public opinion controls people's thought and consequently the whole country. Accordingly, the half -century totalitarian rule by the Chinese Communist Party created a "silent China? After Beijing won the sponsorship of the 2008 Olympic Games, the CCP did not relax political grip as many had expected. On the contrary, it further tightened control over the news media. Recently, it even violated an agreement and deleted the comments on human rights in Secretary of State Powell's speech in Beijing, making it difficult for the Chinese people to know what he had said. 

    Beijing Spring is one of the very few journals published by the overseas Chinese living in freedom to report on the reality of the Chinese society and voice the true feelings of the Chinese people. Just like Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, Beijing Spring is absolutely needed and not substitutable for those who no longer want to act deaf and mute, especially for the Chinese intellectuals. As CCP diplomatic and overseas Chinese affairs personnel as well as their publications such as Overseas Chinese Daily are spreading all kinds of untruths to deceive the overseas Chinese, I sincerely hope that Beijing Spring will become better and better. The voice of free people should never be stifled, and I am hopeful that the time when the "sound of spring" is heard in Beijing and allover China will come quite soon. 

    ********************

    Wang Ruowang, well-known Chinese writer.

    Mr. Hu Ping, Chief Editor: 

    I have reviewed your letter of request for comments. Based on the contents of the "Beijing Spring" from January to July, I am herein making the following evaluation: 

    Good articles: "The Stormy 50 Years of New China" by Li Sheng Zhi, as published on the January issue. This article utilizes abundant information, its analysis is objective, and the argument is credible. 

    "The Anti-corruption Show Conducted by the Chinese Communists" by Jin Feng on the April issue. This article points directly to the target, and revealed the mega corruption scandal concealed by the Communist Chinese authorities. The information is valuable. 

    "The Historical Mistake The Communist Chinese Government Made in Eliminating Private Ownership System" by Zhu Zhezhong on the July issue makes good points and good comparisons. It reveals the so~rce for the catastrophe in which tens of millions of Chinese people suffered and the false big words of Zhu Rongji. 

    Something should be done about the Fa Lun Gong, and since April to June, on each issue, there has been coverage of the event. There is an 18-page coverage on the April and May issues, while there are 12 pages on the April issue alone. There is some repetition, and also words from outside of the topic. 

    Please always be aware of the orientation: reveal the criminal nature of the Communist Chinese authorities and the realization of the ideology of the people. The above is for reference only. 

    Wang Ruowang    July 27, 2000

    **********************

    Kam Yiu Yu, weii-known political commentator, former editor in chief of Wen Hui Daily (Hong Kong)

    Let Us Give Beijing Spring All the Possible Support 

    Kam Yiu Yu
    August 10,2001

    During the 1989 democracy movement and the June 4 massacre, I was filled with anger and grief. As editor of Wen Hui daily in Hong Kong, I secretly collaborated with a few trusted friends and had the four characters "tong xin ji shou" (heart hurts, head sickens) printed on the front page of our newspaper in order to condemn the criminal killings of students and the suppression of democracy by the Chinese Communist Party. In 1991, I withdraw from CCP, a group I had served for half a: century beginning with the War of Resistance against Japan, and drifted over the Pacific and came to the U. S. Thereafter, I continued to oppose CCP' s one -party totalitarian rule and its harmful policies and support China's democracy and freedom movement. 

    Before coming to the U. S. , I was a bit worried, because I was not sure whether, once settled in the U. S. , I could still have publications to read that report on China's democracy and freedom movement. Without this kind of publications, I would be insulated from China and forced to give up following and supporting the movement. Life would be without meaning, political influence would be unrealistic, and hope would be lost. 

    I was therefore pleasantly surprised when I saw Beijing Spring magazine. Its contents showed that the forces of democracy and freedom continued to expand within China抯 social and academic circles, and that the people continued to wage their tireless, fearless struggle even after the June 4 massacre. The magazine also exposed, documented and criticized CCP抯 suppression of democracy movement, both through imprisonment and through propaganda, throughout China, and reported on and encouraged Chinese pro -democracy activities allover the world, including U. S., Europe and Asia.

    China's internal and external situation can be so summarized: CCP抯 winter has arrived. If so, how can Beijing's spring be remote? Those of us who have been promoting democracy and freedom from overseas can see that we indeed have helped and encouraged the people in China. At the same time, we clearly need to do more and better. As writer, we must now make more effort. More specifically, we must give Beijing Spring all the possible support, so that the friends at Beijing Spring, who have worked very hard for years, can have the magazine continued until spring finally comes to Beijing and all China. At that point, amid the melodies of democracy and freedom, we will help send Beijing Spring back to Beijing, back to China.

    As someone who takes part in the democracy movement through writing, I see clearly that the overall trends in and outside of China show that the confrontation between democracy and freedom and communist dictatorship is now in its final stage. I pledge to work harder to write articles for Beijing Spring, to expose the cruelty of the CCP rule and explain that China will inevitably follow the examples of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. To show my appreciation of the hard work done by the friends at Beijing Spring, I have decided not to accept any writer's fees for my articles. It is my hope that the U.S. foundations and overseas Chinese (especially the business people) will also do their part to support Beijing Spring. 

    ********************

    Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.

    For eight years Beijing Spring has been, along with Democratic China. Leading journal for people who ate seriously interested in a more open, democratic, humane and peaceful China. Its incisive and well -informed writing not only offers the public good analyses of politics, thought, and society, it further stands as an important symbol that the rulers in Beijing have no monopoly on speaking for the Chinese people. 

    Perry Link, May,    200l 

    *********************

    Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard University.

    My View on the Seven- Year Summary of "Beijing Spring"

     Guo Luoji 

    The Seven-Year Summary of"Beijing Spring" truly reflects the process of "Beijing Spring" over the past 7 years. 

    As a political commentary journal of China's democracy movement, "Beijing Spring" has done a very good job. On one side, it inherits the tradition of China's Xi Dan Democracy Wall, keeps contact with democracy activists in China; on the other side, it takes the advantage of the situation of freedom of speech overseas to voice extensive views over China's pressing problems, and debates such theoretical issues of freedom, democracy, human rights and judiciary system; it is the bridge to connect China's democracy movement between China and overseas. "Beijing Spring" has become the default spokesman for China's overseas democracy movement at a time when democracy organizations overseas have split apart and cannot voice an orchestrated view. People in China can only learn about overseas democracy movement from "Beijing Spring".

     "Beijing Spring" has done tremendous work with a limited staff. From the published journal itself, "Beijing Spring" has developed into a website and Internet forum, and in this way expanded its influence. It has made the customs check system of the Chinese government, which aims at resisting freedom and democracy, lose its effectiveness. 

    I hope "Beijing Spring" will overcome its difficulties and strive to go forward, and will someday return to its nascent place, Beijing and become a true "Beijing Spring". 

    July 24, 2000 

    ******************

    Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has published numerous books and articles on China's politics.

    Andrew J. Nathan 

    Suppression of Democratization and Human Rights in China A Plea for Support for Beijing Spring 

    Winston L. Yang, Ph. D
    Professor of Asian Studies
    Seton Hall University
    South Orange, NJ 07052
    August 12, 2001

    Despite the tremendous advances in economic reforms and development in the PRC in recent years, China's suppression of democratization has been intensified and its human rights record has worsened. Numerous advocates and participants of the democracy movement have been jailed, and organizations advocating democratization have been dismantled in China by the Chinese Communist authorities. Even Chinese -American scholars visiting their homeland have been arrested simply because of their convictions in democratic reforms. Human rights abuses have been widespread and thousands of cases have been reported. Numerous Chinese citizens have sought political asylum in the U. S. 

    Therefore, one of the major goals of American policy toward China is to move China toward democratization and respect for human rights. Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and other organizations have developed programs to advance such goals. Many private American foundations have also given grants to support U. S. publications and organizations designed to reach such goals. 

    However, many such organizations and publications have been discontinued for lack of sufficient support. 

    Beijing Spring, one of the oldest and the most important journals advocating democracy in China, has thus become the, last such publication which, too, will cease publication if financial support is not forthcoming. 

    Since its initial publication in 1993, Beijing Spring has reached thousands of readers in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, North America and Western Europe. Secretly brought into China by those travelling there, Beijing Spring has become the single most influential publication supporting the democracy drive in China. It cannot and should not be allowed, therefore, to cease publication. Otherwise, it will be a fatal blow to the growing democratization movement in China. As a result, accurate information and active support for democracy and human rights protection will disappear. The U. S. will never be able to achieve its foreign policy goals toward the PRC. 

    It is my sincere hope, therefore, that the u. S. Government and American foundations will provide necessary support to Beijing Spring so that it will continue to extend its great influence and impact on China's democratization drive. I support its request for financial support whole-heartedly and without any reservation whatsoever. 

    Over seven years, Beijing Spring has provided broad coverage of developments at home and abroad affecting the prospects fro democracy in China. The editors exercised good judgment in focusing on important trends in politics, society, and thought. The journal reminded its readers that there is more than one voice representing China in the world today, and more than one way to think about China' national interests. Perhaps most important, the journal offered itself as one of the few forums where Chinese could carry out free theoretical debate on issues of their nation's past and future.

     Andrew J. Nathan July    31,2000 

    **********************

    Liu Binyan, famous writer. He was reporter with People's Daily, the official newspaper in China before 1987. Because of his resounding articles on Chinese corruption and brutality, he was criticized, expelled and barred from publishing. He is now a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative.

    Liu Binyan 

    On "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring": 

    Point 3 of the "7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring", i.e., "Systematically promoting the research and debate on major theoretical issues", is one of the most important characteristics of the journal, and played its role in guiding people in China as well as overseas to find a way to China's democratization process. However, one of the aspects is not mentioned. "Beijing Spring" has been revealing the facts in various ways of major events over the past 50 years. Some of the people in the 30's I met with in Europe and America said that they knew from "Beijing Spring" the truth about " Anti-Rightist Campaign", "The Big Leap Forward", the Big Famine and the "Cultural Revolution". 

    Liu Binyan    AUG 1 2000

    ***********************

    Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.

    Su Shaozhi 

    "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office: 

    "The 7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring" was received. It reflects the facts, contains sharp viewpoints, and is a very good article. 

    The future ofChina's politics depends mainly on the economy, and I hope that the journal will publish more articles of analysis and reports on China's economic situation, preferably supported by systematic statistics. 

    It is a very good thing that your journal has been able to publish numerous articles by mainland authors. This helps overseas people realize the true situation in China. As one of the authors of the "Open-up" journal was arrested by the Chinese government, I would suggest that you take measures to protest the safety of mainland authors. 

    With my regards, 

    Su Shaozhi    July 13,2000 

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    Yang Yinbo(Chinese Famous Political Critics) Eight Suggestions About Current China (Liberty Times) 

    I always received complaints from many correspondents and democrats about untrusting democratic reports from overseas media for commercial or political reasons. I advised those media people to read Beijing Spring much often in order to re-cultivate democratic attitude. From my observation, Beijing Spring can be called as a banner for famous overseas media. Other magazines such as Observation, Huanhua Kang, and Democracy China follow.

     According to the Beijing Spring Summery maile